Last of three parts
How might this expansive public power be instead used for the common good?
(5) Finally, and possibly the most important question we should ask ourselves in this conference and beyond – how do we regain momentum in our struggle for social development? Our expansion is slow and disproportionate to the magnitude of the crises, needs and opportunities. We must keep finding the answer or answers.
It’s always worth reminding ourselves that the world is ordered and shaped according to systems of power and, hence, of control and domination. Our social, economic and political lives are dominated by capital and we can’t ignore this or wish it away. The dynamics of capitalism concentrate financial and economic power, which are wielded to dominate political processes, which are used for further financial and economic gain.
And so, perhaps, a reminder to many of us here who identify as “civil society” which in development practice usually refers to non-government organizations (NGOs) and similar groups – at a fundamental level, civil society (aka NGOs) doesn’t really have a direct substantial effect on the functioning of the state. Basically, the state will give us the public policy and space and niche we want only if it’s public policy and space and niche that they’re ready to give.
We can tweak or modify certain aspects of social and economic policy but there are limits to these. The last 40-50 years of globalization and its increasingly entrenched ills despite the burgeoning of modern civil society over that same period is a case in point.
We should of course keep pushing for even marginal improvements if these will better the people’s conditions. But let’s not reduce ourselves to merely doing the government’s work for it as mere agents or subcontractors for privatized social and welfare services. It’s the government, never civil society, which has the resources and mandate to ensure that public services are the best they can be and reach all those in need. We need to keep lobbying and engaging governments to press for substantial policy changes.
What will bring these changes? The most crucial element in all the struggles we wage are our organizations and most especially our mass movements. This is the case for struggles reformist and marginal all the way to the revolutionary and radical, These popular struggles are the necessary radical flank to make lobbying and engaging more effective, as well as the foundations for more democratic power. The long view is critical when weighing our efforts and prioritizing. We can’t neglect the most important strategy of democratic mass mobilizations to shift the balance of power and policies towards the majority.
The most important measure of civil society is then arguably not the short-term social development delivered. Instead, we can look at the extent to which people are aroused, organized and mobilized in the greatest numbers possible. In the long-term it isn’t those marginal improvements that will matter but rather the transformation of our political systems and our societies to be more democratic.
The last decades of globalization have debunked the myth of market fundamentalism. Prevailing political structures have unfortunately just become even more hardened to implement neoliberalism and the coercive power and influence of monopoly capital is greater than ever. Popular and sustained mobilizations are the only way to fix the huge power imbalances that prevent the most urgent and meaningful steps from being taken.
More and more people need to be aware of the urgency of the situation and act on the necessity for real fundamental systemic change. What are some immediate practical concerns in this regard?
First, we urgently need to respond to growing attacks on civil society; these include violent attacks but also increasingly legal attacks with the weaponization, abuse and misuse of laws (or “lawfare”). The international CSO network CIVICUS’s most recent 2024 report for instance finds that “civic space is in its worst state since the launch of the CIVICUS Monitor’s global coverage in 2018. Some 118 countries now have serious civic space restrictions and only 2.1 percent of people live in countries with open civic space… Intimidation, protest disruption and detentions of protesters were the top violations documented in 2023, with democracy, climate and environmental activists and women and LGBTQI+ people often in the firing lane.”
They also warn: “Despite the many constraints, civil society is doing everything it can to keep going. But restrictions are biting [and] it’s questionable how long they can hold out against attrition as those in power deliberately increase the personal costs and dangers of activism.”
Second, how do we get more traction in the hearts and minds of more people? Our approaches need to evolve with any relevant changes in the information environment, political attitudes, economic and political institutions, demographics and other factors. How do we overcome the dangerous appeal of the right, of escapism and apathy, or even defeatism? What kinds of political engagement are people ready for and in what forms, manner and organization? What are the simplest, most pointed, and most effective messages to mobilize the many without sacrificing the truth, integrity and our core values?
Third, how do we attain popular mobilizations of the scale needed? How do we break silos of indifference, ideology and identity to rebuild collective and progressive power in opposition to the status quo and the powers that be?
Our movements are concentric circles with a core mass movement of organized forces, a next layer of broader and varied social movements, and then the wider public and citizenry giving spontaneous support. We are well aware that sudden homogenized unity is impossible – so how can we put together more fluid coalitions to challenge the main enemy at any time? The more there are of us experimenting then the more there will be to learn from each other about advancing our advocacies and fighting for our common causes.
There’s no doubt that we’re playing a long game. This means investing in efforts like organizing that may not yet have any immediate tangible benefit. It also means foregoing immediate gains and even making short-term sacrifices if these can serve larger goals.
This consciously avoids the impulse of marginalism that uses the temptation of immediate and individual utility to divert from looking at larger and long-term consequences. Perhaps not coincidentally, marginalism is a central device in neoclassical economic theory.
The world is marked by daunting crisis, instability and disarray. If our long game is to transform society, this “transformation” compels us all to become rebels, subversives, insurgents and revolutionaries against the status quo. There’s a simple but radical idea – let’s put a little less hope in technology, and much more faith in humanity. It’s the collective struggle of committed people that will change the world. ###
(This paper was presented at the 10th International Consortium for Social Development (ICSD) Asia Pacific Biennial Conference with the theme “The Fifth Industrial Revolution Amidst Multifaceted Disruptions: Harnessing the Power of Social Development,” held on October 22-25, 2024, University of the Philippines)
